Faraday to Benjamin Abbott   25 January 1815

Rome Jany 25th. 1815.

Dear Benjamin

I begin this letter in a very cheerful state of mind which enables me to see things with as correct an eye as it is possible for my weak judgement to do unless indeed I see them too favourably but at all events I hope that you will not have occasion in your answer to this letter to repeat what you have said in your last. I have received both the letters you have directed to me at Rome1. I have too much to say at present to waste words in thanking you for them you know how great their value is to me and the return I can give that will be most wellcome to you is to answer them[.] It happens fortunately indeed that the first is in part answered and I am not sure I can say much more in return for it was on this sheet of paper or even on another if I happen to extend my blotting[.] It was my intention when I read it to give you some account of the various waterfalls I had seen but now I have more important & fresher subjects to treat of & shall reserve them for another time by important I do not mean important in itself but only with respect to the waterfalls and you must understand the word in that sense[.] I cannot however refrain from saying how much I feel obliged to you for your information respecting the health &c of my mother & our family and hope that you will always have the charity to continue such information as far as lies in your power.

Though it may appear somewhat consequential that I begin the letter with my own affairs yet such is my intention at present[.] You found me in the last squabbling almost with all the world and crying out against things which truly in themselves are excellent and which indeed form the only distinction between men and beasts[.] I scarce know what I said in that letter (for I have not time to take copies of them as you supposed) but I know I wrote it in a ruffled state of mind which bye the bye resulted from a mere trifle[.] Your thoughts on knowledge you gave me in return are certainly much more correct than mine that is to say more correct than those I sent you which indeed are not such as I before and since have adopted but I did not mean to give them to you as any settled opinion they ran from my pen as they were formed at that moment when the little passions of anger and resentment had hooded my eyes.

You tell me I am not happy and you wish to share in my difficulties - I have nothing important to tell you or you should have known it long ago but since your friendship make you feel for me I will trouble you with my trifling affairs. - The various passions and prejudices of mankind influence in a greater or less degree every judgement that men make and cause them to swerve more or less from the fine love of rectitude and truth into the wide plains of error[.] Errors thus generated exert their influence in producing still greater deviations untill at last in many points truth is overthrown by falsehood and delusive opinions hold the places of just maxims and the dictates of nature[.] Nothing shews this truth more plainly than the erroneous estimation men make of the things the circumstances and the situations of this world[.] Happiness is supposed to exist in that which cannot possibly give it[.] Pleasures are sought for where they are not to be found[.] Perfection is looked for in the place from which it is most distant and things truly valuable are thrown aside because their owner cannot estimate them[.] Many repine at a situation others at a name and a vast multitude because they have neither the one nor the other[.]

I fancy I have cause to grumble and yet I can scarcely tell why[.] If I approve of the system of etiquette and valuation formed by the world I can make a thousand complaints but perhaps if I acted influenced by the pure & unsullied dictates of common sense I should have nothing to complain of and therefore all I can do is to give you the circumstances[.]

When Sir Humphry Davy first made proposals to me to accompany him in this voyage he told me that I should be occupied in assisting him in his experiments in taking care of the apparatus and of his papers & books and in writing and other things of this kind and I conceiving that such employment with the opportunities that travelling would present would tend greatly to instruct me in what I desired to know & in things useful in life consented to go[.] Had this arrangement held our party would have consisted of Sir Humphry & Lady Davy the Lady’s maid la Fontain2 Sir H.’s valet & myself - but a few days before we came off la Fontaine diverted from his intention by the tears of his wife refused to go & thus a new arrangement was necessary[.] When Sir H<_> informed me of this circumstance he expressed his sorrow at it and said he had not time to find another to suit him (for la Fontaine was from Flanders and spoke a little Italian as well as French) but that if I would put up with a few things on the road untill he got to Paris doing those things which could not be trusted to strangers or waiters and which la Fontaine would have done he would there get a servant which should leave me at liberty to fill my proper station & that alone3[.] I felt unwilling to proceed on this plan but considering the advantages I should lose & the short time I should be thus embarrassed I agreed[.] At Paris he could find no servant to suit him for he wishes for one that spoke English French & a little German (I speaking no French at that time) and as all the English there (ourselves excepted) were prisoners and none of the French servants talked English our want remained unsupplied but to ease me he took a Lacquasse de Place and living in a Hotel I had few things to do out of my agreement[.] It will be useless to relate our progress in the Voyage as it relates to this affair more particularly a thousand reasons which I have now forgot caused the permanent addition of a servant to our family to be deferred from time to time and we are at present the same number as at first[.] Sir Humphry has at all times endeavoured to keep me from the performance of those things which did not form a part of my duty and which might be disagreeable and whenever we have been fixed I have had one or more servants placed under me we have at present although in an hotel two menservants but as it is always necessary to hold a degree of subordination in a house or family and as a confidential servant is also necessary to the master and again as I am the person in whom Sir Humphry trusts it obliges me to take a more active share in this part of my present occupation than I wish to do & in having to see after the expenses of the family I have to see also after the servants the table and the accom[m]odations[.]

I should have but little to complain of were I travelling with Sir Humphry alone or were Lady Davy like him but her temper makes it often times go wrong with me with herself & with Sir H. She is haughty & proud to an excessive degree and delights in making her inferiors feel her power she wishes to roll in the full tide of pleasures such as she is capable of enjoying but when she can with impunity that is when her equals do not notice it & Sir H. is ignorant of it she will exert herself very considerably to deprive her family of enjoyments - When I first left England unused as I was to high life & to politeness unversed as I was in the art of expressing sentiments I did not feel I was little suited to come within the observation and under the power in some degree of one whose whole life consists of forms etiquette & manners[.] I believed at that time that she hated me and her evil disposition made her endeavour to thwart me in all my views & to debase me in my occupations[.] This at first was a source of great uneasiness to me and often times made me very dull & discontented and if I could have come home again at that time you would have seen me before I had left England six months as I became more acquainted with the manners of the world and those things necessary in my station and understood better her true character[.] I learned to despise her taunts & resist her power and this kind of determined conduct added to a little polishing which the friction of the world had naturally produced in your friend made her restrain her spleen from its full course to a more moderate degree[.] At present I laugh at her whims which now seldom extend to me but at times a greater degree of ill humour than ordinary involves me in a fray which on occasions creates a coolness between us all for two or three days for on these occasions Sir H<_> can scarcely keep neuter and from different reasons he can scarcely choose his side[.]

Finally Sir H<_> has no valet except myself but having been in an humbler station and not being corrupted by high life he has very little occasion for a servant of that kind & tis the name more than the thing which hurts - I enjoy my original employment in its full extent and find few pleasures greater than doing so.- Thus Dear Ben I have answered your kind enquiries by a relation of my circumstances things which were not of consequence enough to put in a letter before you asked for them - As things stand now I may perhaps finish the voyage in my present company though with my present information I should not hesitate to leave them in any part of the world for I now know I could get home as well without them as with them[.] At all event[s] when I return home I shall return to my old profession of Bookseller for Books still continue to please me more than any thing else[.]

I shall now my dear friend turn the subject or rather change it for Philosophy and hope in so doing to give you pleasure in this letter[.] I say this more confidently because I intend to give you an account of a paper just finished by Sir Humphry, of which one copy has already been sent by Post as a letter to the Royal Society and all the experiments & demonstrations of which I have witnessed4.

When we were at Naples the Queen5 gave Sir H<_> a pot of colour which was dug up in their presence it contained a blue paint in powder. At Milan a gentleman had some conversation with Sir H<_> & gave him some pieces of blue glass from Adrians Villa at Rome and since we have been here this time the opportunity afforded & the former hints have induced Sir H.<_> to undertake an examination of the ancient Grecian & Roman colours with an intent to identify them & to imitate such as were known[.] I shall give you a very brief account of this paper putting down results discoveries & such parts as I think will be most interesting to you[.]

The introduction speaks of the art of painting as it existed in Greece and as it flourished truly greek in the midst of Romemany arguments and authorities are brought forward to shew that even in Italy during the (early part at least of the) Roman ages the art was grecian and was cultivated by & flourished under the care of natives of its own country he concludes the introduction by announcing his chemical labours on this subject.

The second part speaks of the red colours of the Ancients these and indeed almost all the colours came from the ruins of the Baths & Palace of Titus which stand at a little distance from the Coliseum and are wonderfully interesting from their extent their perfection and their richness of three red[s] found in a pot in these baths two were ochres and the third proved to be red lead these colours Sir H<_> recognised again on the walls in various parts of the ornaments - In the chamber & the niche where the Laocoon is said to have been found another red prevails which proved to be Vermilion - A classical account is then given of those colours but the history of Vermilion is the most interesting amongst the reds[.] It was prepared by roasting the ores of quicksilver & from its beauty and scarcity held a very high price[.] It used to be placed amongst the precious ointments at feasts & the body of the victor at the Olympic games was coloured with it[.]

The third part treats of yellows a large pot in the ruins of the baths of Titus contained a yellow colour which was an ochre[.] The author notices two other yellows which were spoken of by Vitruvius & Pliny auripigmentum & Sandarch the first he considers as massicot or the yellow oxide of lead and the second as an oxide of lead obtained by a different degree of heat or calcination[.] Orpiment has not been found amongst the ancient colours[.]

Fourthly blue colours[.] Sir H.<_> found several shades of blue in the baths of Titus on the walls and on pieces of stucco but he found them to be the same colour mixed with different quantities of chalk or whiting when separated from the carbonate of lime a fine blue powder rough to the touch unalterable in its colour by heat but when urged agglutinating together[.] By analysis it gave Silica Alumina lime potash and oxide of copper and some pieces of blue frit found in the chambers gave the same colour when powdered & the same products by analysis it appears therefore that this colour is a deeply tinged frit powdered & is probably the same as that the ancients called ceruleum[.]

Some blues mentioned by Pliny appear to be preparations of lapis lazuli & of the arseniates & carbonates of copper.

The Greeks appeared to be acquainted with a species of indigo[.]

Blues on some fragments of fresco from ruins near the monument of Caius Castius others in a celebrated antique picture now at Rome and that alluded to as found at Pompeia appear all to be produced from this blue frit[.]

Pieces of blue transparent glass which have apparently been used for mosaic work and which are very frequent in the ruins are coloured with cobalt & it appears that all the transparent blue glasses are tinged with the same metal and it must be supposed that the knowledge of this metal or at least of its ores has been unjustly denied them by the moderns[.]

The greens come next in order and these appear to be produced principally by copper & to be the carbonates of that metal. In the vase however a portion of the green earth of Verona was found - Sir H<_> considers the substance called chrysocolla as a green colour a combination of copper[.] He points out the error of those who suppose borax to be chrysocolla and shews that there is no reason for supposing that the Borate of Soda was known to the ancients[.]

The ancients had beautiful green glasses which were tinged with copper but they did not use them in the state of powder as colours.

The fine Tyrian purple of the ancients comes next under consideration but here more uncertainty prevails the circumstances of its being prepared from animal matter prohibits any hope to find it in its original state after a period of 1700 years but not discouraged by the difficulties the author has given some very interesting observations & conjectures on this point[.] From the description given of this colour by the ancient authors Sir H<_> was induced to try many experiments on a pale rose coloured powder found in a vase at the baths of Titus[.] This colour was destroyed by heat by acids & alkalies[.] It appeared to be composed of siliceous aluminous & calcareous earth with a little oxide if iron[.] When mixed with the hyper oxymuriate of potassa & heated a slight scintillation was perceptible and the gas given of[f] precipitated lime water & from these & various other experiments it was evident that the colouring matter was of animal or vegetable origin but which Sir H<_> was not able to determine though the probability is in favour of the first and of its being the Tyrian purple of the ancients[.]

Other purples were mixtures of red ochre & the blues of copper.

The blacks & browns of the ancients were easily made out such specimens of black as were found in the baths on pieces of stucco were carbonaceous matter[.] Pliny speaks of the ink of the cuttle fish of ivory black & of some fossil blacks the first Sir H<_> observes is a compound or rather mixture of carbonaceous matter with gelatine - the second was discovered by Apelles - the third were probably ores of iron & manganese - and the author considers the ancients as being acquainted with ores of this last metal[.]

The browns are all mixtures of red & yellow ochres with black.

The whites which have been found in the ruins at Rome are either carbonate of lime (chalk) or of fine aluminous clay - The ancients were acquainted with ceruse but Sir H<_> has not met with it[.]

The paper then gives some observations on the mode in which the ancients applied these colours[.] Their stucco is described which was formed of powdered marble cemented by lime three coats of the stucco were laid on & the powder of each diminished in size from the first to the third when dry & polished it was ready to receive the colours[.]

The encaustic process is referred to and Sir H. endeavoured to discover if any such a process had been performed upon the walls of the chambers in the baths or on the Aldobrandini picture but could gain no evidences in the affirmative[.]

In some general observations with which Sir H<_> concludes the paper he gives a process for making the Azure or Alexandrian frit 15 parts of carbonate of soda 20 parts of powdered flints & 3 parts of copper filings strongly heated for 2 hours will produce the frit which when powdered gives the same fine deep sky blue[.]

Those colours which are the most permanent are pointed out[.] Frits are placed first and after frits saturated combinations of metals[.] Animal and vegetable colours are the least permanent[.]

The colours which the refinements in Chemistry have given to modern artists & which excell the ancients colours in tint & durability are noticed and the cause of their superiority is pointed out & in the last lines some ideas are given on the materials which are best calculated to receive the picture and on the modes of pressing. Canvas impregnated with Asphaltum or bitumen is considered as being superior to wood copper or any other substance that is used for this purpose[.]

I am ashamed Dear Ben to send you this imperfect account of so valuable a paper but I trust that my willingness to give you news will plead my excuse[.] I hope you will soon read a copy of the paper at large and have no doubt you will perceive in every page the enquiring spirit of the author.- I have long inquired after a sure opportunity of sending a little parcel home and if it were in my power I should pack up a few of these colours for you with your brothers snuff box some books of mine & other little things but as yet my search has been useless however at Naples I may meet with better luck.

I have within the last few weeks altered the plan of my journal and for that purpose have made free with your name but I hope you will allow me to continue the liberty I have already taken[.] I found myself so much more at ease in writing to you than in writing in my book that latterly I have written in it as if I were talking to you and from this it arises that your name now & then occurs and though not in bad yet perhaps in foolish company and for this I attend your pardon6[.]

I have heard nothing at all of the earthquakes and eruptions you spoke of but expect to be more in the country of them soon - and then for a little of Vesuvius if I have time[.]

I must not forget the proof you have given me of your feelings truly of friendship in the dilemma and I am extremely sorry that I should in any way have occasioned you embarrassment[.] I am indebted much to you for your care in concealing such things as you supposed I intended for you alone[.] They were written for you alone but at the same time I did not wish that my mother should remain ignorant of them[.] I have no secrets from her and it was the insignificance alone that made me quiet on the subject[.] I would rathe<<r m>>y mother should see or hear the first sheet of this paper [MS torn] <<o>>therwise for where the causes are open the conduct can be better judged of with this part you may do as you please but there is as yet little in it can interest her and I do not know that I shall add much more[.]

I must however tell you that we are in the midst of the Carnival a scene of great mirth & jollity amongst the Romans last Tuesday 24th it began by the horse race which takes place in the Corso in the middle of the city[.] Having in London heard of these races I felt much inclined to see them and paid my five baiocci -/3d for a seat[.] Before the race commences the people that fill the corso open to the right & left & leave an open space about 18 feet wide the horses were brought out and placed before a rope at the top of the Corso & on sounding a trumpet the roap [sic] falls & the animals start they go without riders they have a slight harness on just sufficiently strong to hold some leaden balls at the end of a chain these balls are set with short sharp spikes one is hung on each shoulder & one on each flank and as they run the play of the balls pricks them on to their utmost speed. On Thursday & saturday these races were repeated & today also and on Thursday the masquerade began this takes place also in the Corso & continues from about 3 till 6 o’clk[.] Today it was very good & all Rome glittered with Princes Princesses Dukes Lords Spaniards Italians Turks Fools &c. all of which were in procession[.] I went this morning to a masquerade ball between 2 & 5 o’clk and found it excellent[.]

Now for news!!! We shall part in a few weeks (pray write quickly) for Naples and from thence proceed immediately to Sicily[.] Afterwards our road is doubtful but this much I know that application is made for passports to travel in the Turkish Empire & to reside at Constantinople that it is Sir H<_> intention to be amongst the Greek Islands in March and at Athens early in the spring - Thus you see Ben a great extension is made to our voyage7 an extension which though it promises much novelty & pleasure yet I fear will sadly interrupt our correspondence - Have the goodness therefore to write quickly & tell all my friends that you can do the same or I shall not get the letters - I shall make a point of writing to you as long & as late as I can.

I will not pretend to know whether it is time to leave off or not but I think it is impossible for you to get through this letter of 12 pages in less than three or four readings how it has got to such a length I know not for I have as yet read no part of it over and even now I find I could write you a long letter were this and the subjects of it anihilated [sic] but I must cut it short[.] Pray remember me with the strongest affection to my mother & friends & to your family (excuse the repetition) and at your opportunity repeat your commission of remembrance to Mrs. Greenwell [sic] Mr. Newman and others - Castle Boyer Magrath &c. I am in a great passion with your brother for not writing to me and must beg of Miss Abbott to scold him well having more time than you[.]

Adieu dear Friend with you I have no ceremony the warmest wishes that friendship can dictate are formed for you by | M. Faraday

P.S. Do you know any thing of a young lad of the name George Bramwell8[.] Mrs. Meek9 my Companion has a cousin in London of that name who is in a counting house on the river side with a Mr. Abbott10[.] She heard me mention the name & supposed that her cousin might be with your Father. Should that be the case she wishes to be remembered to him and to know how he is in a letter from himself if convenient[.]

Le Donne Italiani sono sfacciato pigrichissimo e sporchissimo come dunque volete fare una comparazione fra loro e l’Inglese11. | Adio Caro Amico


Address: Mr B. Abbott | Opposite 44 Long Lane | Bermondsey | London | Ingleterra

Endorsed: Received 2/25 1815 | Ansd in part 2/27 forwarded 2/28 per post

Letters 39 and 42.
Otherwise unidentified.
According to Granville (1874), 1: 433, the passport that Napoleon gave Davy specified that he could only have one attendant in addition to Jane Davy and her maid. Hence it would have been impossible for Davy to have taken both his valet and Faraday, or indeed to have hired a valet once on the continent.
Davy, H. (1815a). The manuscripts for this are in Faraday’s hand in RS MS PT 9.8 and bis.
Caroline Bonaparte (1782-1839, NBU) wife of Joachim Murat (1767-1815, NBU), King of Naples from 1808 until his execution in 1815.
For an example of this style see Faraday’s travel diary for 24 January 1815, Bence Jones (1870a), 1: 177-80 which contains a description of the horse racing similar to that given later in this letter.
Faraday had clearly forgotten that this was Davy’s initial intention. See letters 28 and 30.
Unidentified.
Presumably Jane Davy’s maid.
Unidentified.
“Italian women are impudent, very ugly and very dirty and how therefore do you want to make a comparison between them and the English”.

Bibliography

BENCE JONES, Henry (1870a): The Life and Letters of Faraday, 1st edition, 2 volumes, London.

DAVY, Humphry (1815a): “Some experiments and observations on the colours used in painting by the Ancients”, Phil. Trans., 105: 97-124.

GRANVILLE, Paulina B. (1874): Autobiography of A.B. Granville, 2 volumes, London.

Please cite as “Faraday0046,” in Ɛpsilon: The Michael Faraday Collection accessed on 26 April 2024, https://epsilon.ac.uk/view/faraday/letters/Faraday0046