WCP2138

Author’s draft (WCP2138.2028)

[1]

Parkstone, Dorset.

Oct[obe]r. 20th. 1900

R[igh]t. Hon.[orable] John Morley, M.[ember of] P.[arliament]1

Dear Sir

As I look upon you as the one politician left to us, who by his ability and integrity, his eloquence & love of truth, his high standing as a thinker & writer, and his openness of mind, is able to become the leader of the English people in their struggle for freedom against the monopolists of land, capital, and political power. I therefore take the liberty of sending you herewith a book of mine containing a number of miscellaneous articles essays [2] a few of which I venture to think are worthy of your serious attention.

Some time since you intimated in one of your speeches, that, if the choice for this country were between Imperialism and Socialism you were inclined to consider the latter the less evil of the two. You added, I think, your conviction, that the dangers of socialism to human character were what most influenced you against it. I trust that my impression of what you said is substantially correct.

Now I myself believe, after a study of the subject extending over [3] the last twenty years, that this danger is non-existent, and certainly does not in any way apply to the fundamental principle of Socialism, which is, simply, the voluntary organisation of labour for the good of all. As bearing directly upon this question, I trust that you will read, first, Chap.[ter] XXV. of my second volume, entitled, Ralahine and its Teachings. We have here an account of an experiment in cooperation, which was really an experiment in Socialism, though of a very limited nature and under extremely adverse conditions. Yet the influence of this experience on character was most [4] marked, but it was a wholly beneficial influence. Having read this chapter I would ask you — do you see any danger in such an organisation? Can you see, and give valid reasons for, any objection to a systematic formation of such communities under local supervision, ? and under more favourable conditions? The benefits to those taking part in it were positive, universally admitted facts. It will surely require more than the mere suggestion of possible but unproved evils, to overbalance these benefits.

But this, and the other experiments to which I refer in the same chapter, are but rude and partial; how to make them more complete and systematic, and better able to [5] deal with the terrible social evils of our day, is shown in some detail in the succeeding chapter — Reoccupation of the Land &c.

I therefore ask you to read this chapter also, and having done so, to consider whether there is anything in such an organisation of self-sufficing communities, that is calculated to injure, rather than to develop and improve human character. Why should the wider interests, the more varied social life of a larger community, not have a still better effect upon character than did the very narrow field embraced in the experience of Ralahine?

[6] There are many other social problems of fundamental importance treated in my book, but I call your special attention to these two chapters, because they deal with what is really a practical question of the most vital importance, and one which any true leader of the nation could soon make the great question of the day

I also call your attention to these chapters because I think it probable that you have judged Socialism rather from the popular (and erroneous) view of it, than by the works of its most thoughtful advocates. From my study of it, I see no need for any form of compulsion but that of public opinion, and the [7] greatest writer on the subjects (in my opinion) — Bellamy2, in his book entitled — "Equality"3 (a sequel to "Looking Backward"4) points out, near the conclusion, how the "Cooperative Commonwealth" became complete, by the gradual taking over by the government of Railways and all public works, & then, at the request of their employee, undertaking factories to supply these employees with all the necessaries of life at prime cost. As this was about half the cost of competition manufacture (as I have shown it to be now in England, in my Chap.[ter] XXVI.) the advantage were so great and obvious that everyone wanted and ultimately obtained employment in the public workshops.

[8] I believe that the majority of thinking Socialists today would, as I do, entirely repudiate the idea of compulsion, either in the first establishment or the ultimate working of the Cooperative Commonwealth.

With great esteem, I am, Dear Sir | Yours very faithfully | Alfred R. Wallace [signature]

P.S. As exhibiting very briefly the real extent & far-reaching nature of existing social evils, I refer you to chapter XX of my "Wonderful Century"5. These evils are systematically concealed or minimised by the Capitalist Press.

A.R.W. [signature]

John Morley (1838-1923), English Liberal Party politician and writer who was elected a Member of Parliament in 1883.
Edward Bellamy (1850-1898), an American Socialist novelist.
E Bellamy, 1898, Equality.
E Bellamy, 1888, Looking Backward.
AR Wallace, 1898, Wonderful Century: Its Successes and Failures.

Published letter (WCP2138.6574)

[1] [p. 159]

TO MR. JOHN (LORD) MORLEY

Parkstone, Dorset. October 20, 1900.

Dear Sir, — I look upon you as the one politician left to us, who, by his ability and integrity, his eloquence and love of truth, his high standing as a thinker and writer, and his openness of mind, is able to become the leader of the English people in their struggle for freedom against the monopolists of land, capital, and political power. I therefore take the liberty of sending you herewith a book of mine containing a number of miscellaneous essays, a few of which, I venture to think, are worthy of your serious attention.

Some time since you intimated in one of your speeches that, if the choice for this country were between Imperialism and Socialism, you were inclined to consider the latter the less evil of the two. You added, I think, your conviction that the dangers of Socialism to human character were what most influenced you against it. I trust that my impression of what you said is substantially correct. Now I myself believe, after a study of the subject extending over twenty years, that this danger is non-existent, and certainly does not in any way apply to the fundamental principles of Socialism, which is, simply, the voluntary organisation of labour for the good of all.... — With great esteem, I am yours very faithfully, | ALFRED R. WALLACE.

Please cite as “WCP2138,” in Beccaloni, G. W. (ed.), Ɛpsilon: The Alfred Russel Wallace Collection accessed on 28 April 2024, https://epsilon.ac.uk/view/wallace/letters/WCP2138