WCP2695

[1]¹

Freiländisches Actionscomité

VIII., Langegasse 53.

Wien,

den 22 of January 1894.

Sir,

It stands to reason that your wishes concerning the appeal you undersign with, will be respected.

However I cannot forbear expressing vivid doubts as to the possibility of practical carrying out also communistic new shapes. I do not believe that the trials undertaken as yet in this respect have failed because mistakes were made in particular, but because the principle is a false one.

Authority in the line of economy leads necessarily, in my opinion, to completion, which is unbearable, especially for that reason, because it can be avoided if there is free scope left to an entitled egotism. And the claims on the fruits of one's own industry is an entitled one.

You admit in this way a satisfactory solution of the social problem is obtainable, that it is possible to check the extravagancies of egotism without stripping it of its operative power. By this I think all communistic trials fall off. For the same are, if looked upon more closely, nothing else but a way out which grasps the humain[sic] sens[sic] of justice if beeing placed between apparent inevitable dilemma of compeltion[sic] and wrong.

[2] If there be no other way out of wrong than force, then it is evident that even the best lean to the side of compeltion[sic]. But if the possibility could be shown how to master wrongs in spite of preserving the full individual liberty, then, I believe, nobody can earnestly think of force, and communism in which shape whatever is force. For if I do not work for my own profit, my own profit can impossibly be the directive of my work. I must look out for another directive, and the latter is then necessarily the will shaped in any form whatever of a loftier entirety. And as this loftier unity, under all circumstances yet deviate from our own individuality, and bending to this foreign will cannot be achieved without force, for this very reason it is necessary that all communistic common wealth and among others Bellamy's, must find out complicated institutions, in order to srip[?] this compeltion[sic] of its hardness and the possibility of abuse, institutions we cannot make use of in Freeland where force in economic respects is totally excluded. By this I do not intend asserting, Sir, that your admonitions respecting the caution in administering the right of voting has been fruitless with me. I even agree with you as far as I am of opinion, too, the government in Freeland will have to be at the outset essentially an autocratic one. But, I think, that the best form of autocraty[sic], [3]² and, as we will be deprived of the institutions of compe[ti]tion (military and police) the only possible, when based upon the confidence of the fellow-citizens. I myself feel to possess the power and ability of being in the beginning the autocrat Freeland's, but, I mean, that I can be so only as long and as far as I am in possession of the full confidence of my fellow-companions. As long this be the case, the most pronounced democratic forms of government will not prevent one from carrying out my will in all decisive questions. I even believe I shall be able to do so the more safely the more carefully any apparent compelsion[sic] is avoided. Should I, however, not be in possession of this confidence, then, it is my inmost conviction, institutions serving to incur my will by force upon my fellow-companions, may only lead to dissatisfaction and decline.

Nevertheless your opinion appears to one wise and prudent, not to grant at first to younger people the right of voting in public affairs, and I shall not fail to resume this point in proper time and proper way. Moreover, I hope, you will, Sir, at the ultimate organizing works give us your ample aid. In the meanwhile accept my best thanks both for your kind letter and the hints contained in it and for the approval of our work received hitherto by the weight of your great name.

Believe me, Sir, to be | Yours very truly | [no signature]³